representative government-第69章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


ive　body；　but　that　body；　though　elected　solely　by　rate…payers；　may　raise　its　revenues　by　imposts　of　such　a　kind；　or　assess　them　in　such　a　manner；　as　to　throw　an　unjust　share　of　the　burden　on　the　poor；　the　rich；　or　some　particular　class　of　the　population：　it　is　the　duty；　therefore；　of　the　legislature；　while　leaving　the　mere　amount　of　the　local　taxes　to　the　discretion　of　the　local　body；　to　lay　down　authoritatively　the　modes　of　taxation；　and　rules　of　assessment；　which　alone　the　localities　shall　be　permitted　to　use。　　　Again；　in　the　administration　of　public　charity　the　industry　and　morality　of　the　whole　labouring　population　depend；　to　a　most　serious　extent；　upon　adherence　to　certain　fixed　principles　in　awarding　relief。　Though　it　belongs　essentially　to　the　local　functionaries　to　determine　who；　according　to　those　principles；　is　entitled　to　be　relieved；　the　national　Parliament　is　the　proper　authority　to　prescribe　the　principles　themselves；　and　it　would　neglect　a　most　important　part　of　its　duty　if　it　did　not；　in　a　matter　of　such　grave　national　concern；　lay　down　imperative　rules；　and　make　effectual　provision　that　those　rules　should　not　be　departed　from。　What　power　of　actual　interference　with　the　local　administrators　it　may　be　necessary　to　retain；　for　the　due　enforcement　of　the　laws；　is　a　question　of　detail　into　which　it　would　be　useless　to　enter。　The　laws　themselves　will　naturally　define　the　penalties；　and　fix　the　mode　of　their　enforcement。　It　may　be　requisite；　to　meet　extreme　cases；　that　the　power　of　the　central　authority　should　extend　to　dissolving　the　local　representative　council；　or　dismissing　the　local　executive：　but　not　to　making　new　appointments；　or　suspending　the　local　institutions。　Where　Parliament　has　not　interfered；　neither　ought　any　branch　of　the　executive　to　interfere　with　authority；　but　as　an　adviser　and　critic；　an　enforcer　of　the　laws；　and　a　denouncer　to　Parliament　or　the　local　constituencies　of　conduct　which　it　deems　condemnable；　the　functions　of　the　executive　are　of　the　greatest　possible　value。　　　Some　may　think　that　however　much　the　central　authority　surpasses　the　local　in　knowledge　of　the　principles　of　administration；　the　great　object　which　has　been　so　much　insisted　on；　the　social　and　political　education　of　the　citizens；　requires　that　they　should　be　left　to　manage　these　matters　by　their　own；　however　imperfect；　lights。　To　this　it　might　be　answered；　that　the　education　of　the　citizens　is　not　the　only　thing　to　be　considered；　government　and　administration　do　not　exist　for　that　alone；　great　as　its　importance　is。　But　the　objection　shows　a　very　imperfect　understanding　of　the　function　of　popular　institutions　as　a　means　of　political　instruction。　It　is　but　a　poor　education　that　associates　ignorance　with　ignorance；　and　leaves　them；　if　they　care　for　knowledge；　to　grope　their　way　to　it　without　help；　and　to　do　without　it　if　they　do　not。　What　is　wanted　is；　the　means　of　making　ignorance　aware　of　itself；　and　able　to　profit　by　knowledge；　accustoming　minds　which　know　only　routine　to　act　upon；　and　feel　the　value　of　principles：　teaching　them　to　compare　different　modes　of　action；　and　learn；　by　the　use　of　their　reason；　to　distinguish　the　best。　When　we　desire　to　have　a　good　school；　we　do　not　eliminate　the　teacher。　The　old　remark；　〃as　the　schoolmaster　is；　so　will　be　the　school；〃　is　as　true　of　the　indirect　schooling　of　grown　people　by　public　business　as　of　the　schooling　of　youth　in　academies　and　colleges。　A　government　which　attempts　to　do　everything　is　aptly　compared　by　M。　Charles　de　Remusat　to　a　schoolmaster　who　does　all　the　pupils'　tasks　for　them；　he　may　be　very　popular　with　the　pupils；　but　he　will　teach　them　little。　A　government；　on　the　other　hand；　which　neither　does　anything　itself　that　can　possibly　be　done　by　any　one　else；　nor　shows　any　one　else　how　to　do　anything；　is　like　a　school　in　which　there　is　no　schoolmaster；　but　only　pupil　teachers　who　have　never　themselves　been　taught。　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　Chapter　16　　　　　　　　Of　Nationality；　as　connected　with　Representative　Government。

　　A　PORTION　of　mankind　may　be　said　to　constitute　a　Nationality　if　they　are　united　among　themselves　by　common　sympathies　which　do　not　exist　between　them　and　any　others…　which　make　them　co…operate　with　each　other　more　willingly　than　with　other　people；　desire　to　be　under　the　same　government；　and　desire　that　it　should　be　government　by　themselves　or　a　portion　of　themselves　exclusively。　This　feeling　of　nationality　may　have　been　generated　by　various　causes。　Sometimes　it　is　the　effect　of　identity　of　race　and　descent。　Community　of　language；　and　community　of　religion；　greatly　contribute　to　it。　Geographical　limits　are　one　of　its　causes。　But　the　strongest　of　all　is　identity　of　political　antecedents；　the　possession　of　a　national　history；　and　consequent　community　of　recollections；　collective　pride　and　humiliation；　pleasure　and　regret；　connected　with　the　same　incidents　in　the　past。　None　of　these　circumstances；　however；　are　either　indispensable；　or　necessarily　sufficient　by　themselves。　Switzerland　has　a　strong　sentiment　of　nationality；　though　the　cantons　are　of　different　races；　different　languages；　and　different　religions。　Sicily　has；　throughout　history；　felt　itself　quite　distinct　in　nationality　from　Naples；　notwithstanding　identity　of　religion；　almost　identity　of　language；　and　a　considerable　amount　of　common　historical　antecedents。　The　Flemish　and　the　Walloon　provinces　of　Belgium；　notwithstanding　diversity　of　race　and　language；　have　a　much　greater　feeling　of　common　nationality　than　the　former　have　with　Holland；　or　the　latter　with　France。　Yet　in　general　the　national　feeling　is　proportionally　weakened　by　the　failure　of　any　of　the　causes　which　contribute　to　it。　Identity　of　language；　literature；　and；　to　some　extent；　of　race　and　recollections；　have　maintained　the　feeling　of　nationality　in　considerable　strength　among　the　different　portions　of　the　German　name；　though　they　have　at　no　time　been　really　united　under　the　same　government；　but　the　feeling　has　never　reached　to　making　the　separate　states　desire　to　get　rid　of　their　autonomy。　Among　Italians　an　identity　far　from　complete；　of　language　and　literature；　combined　with　a　geographical　position　which　separates　them　by　a　distinct　line　from　other　countries；　and；　perhaps　more　than　everything　else；　the　possession　of　a　common　name；　which　makes　them　all　glory　in　the　past　achievements　in　arts；　arms；　politics；　religious　primacy；　science；　and　literature；　of　any　who　share　the　same　designation；　give　rise　to　an　amount　of　national　feeling　in　the　population　which；　though　still　imperfect；　has　been　sufficient　to　produce　the　great　events　now　passing　before　us；　notwithstanding　a　great　mixture　of　races；　and　although　they　have　never；　in　either　ancient　or　modern　history；　been　under　the　same　government；　except　while　that　government　extended　or　was　extending　itself　over　the　greater　part　of　the　known　world。　　　Where　the　sentiment　of　nationality　exists　in　any　force；　there　is　a　prima　facie　case　for　uniting　all　the　members　of　the　nationality　under　the　same　government；　and　a　government　to　themselves　apart。　This　is　merely　saying　that　the　question　of　government　ought　to　be　decided　by　the　governed。　One　hardly　knows　what　any　division　of　the　human　race　should　be　free　to　do