representative government-第49章

按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页，按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页，按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部！
————未阅读完？加入书签已便下次继续阅读！


in　political　speculations。　The　notion　is　itself　unfounded；　that　publicity；　and　the　sense　of　being　answerable　to　the　public；　are　of　no　use　unless　the　public　are　qualified　to　form　a　sound　judgment。　It　is　a　very　superficial　view　of　the　utility　of　public　opinion　to　suppose　that　it　does　good　only　when　it　succeeds　in　enforcing　a　servile　conformity　to　itself。　To　be　under　the　eyes　of　others…　to　have　to　defend　oneself　to　others…　is　never　more　important　than　to　those　who　act　in　opposition　to　the　opinion　of　others；　for　it　obliges　them　to　have　sure　ground　of　their　own。　Nothing　has　so　steadying　an　influence　as　working　against　pressure。　Unless　when　under　the　temporary　sway　of　passionate　excitement；　no　one　will　do　that　which　he　expects　to　be　greatly　blamed　for；　unless　from　a　preconceived　and　fixed　purpose　of　his　own；　which　is　always　evidence　of　a　thoughtful　and　deliberate　character；　and；　except　in　radically　bad　men；　generally　proceeds　from　sincere　and　strong　personal　convictions。　Even　the　bare　fact　of　having　to　give　an　account　of　their　conduct　is　a　powerful　inducement　to　adhere　to　conduct　of　which　at　least　some　decent　account　can　be　given。　If　any　one　thinks　that　the　mere　obligation　of　preserving　decency　is　not　a　very　considerable　check　on　the　abuse　of　power；　he　has　never　had　his　attention　called　to　the　conduct　of　those　who　do　not　feel　under　the　necessity　of　observing　that　restraint。　Publicity　is　inappreciable；　even　when　it　does　no　more　than　prevent　that　which　can　by　no　possibility　be　plausibly　defended…　than　compel　deliberation；　and　force　every　one　to　determine；　before　he　acts；　what　he　shall　say　if　called　to　account　for　his　actions。　　　〃But；　if　not　now　（it　may　be　said）；　at　least　hereafter；　when　all　are　fit　to　have　votes；　and　when　all　men　and　women　are　admitted　to　vote　in　virtue　of　their　fitness；　then　there　can　no　longer　be　danger　of　class　legislation；　then　the　electors；　being　the　nation；　can　have　no　interest　apart　from　the　general　interest：　even　if　individuals　still　vote　according　to　private　or　class　inducements；　the　majority　will　have　no　such　inducement；　and　as　there　will　then　be　no　non…electors　to　whom　they　ought　to　be　responsible；　the　effect　of　the　ballot；　excluding　none　but　the　sinister　influences；　will　be　wholly　beneficial。　　　〃Even　in　this　I　do　not　agree。　I　cannot　think　that　even　if　the　people　were　fit　for；　and　had　obtained；　universal　suffrage；　the　ballot　would　be　desirable。　First；　because　it　could　not；　in　such　circumstances　be　supposed　to　be　needful。　Let　us　only　conceive　the　state　of　things　which　the　hypothesis　implies；　a　people　universally　educated；　and　every　grown…up　human　being　possessed　of　a　vote。　If；　even　when　only　a　small　proportion　are　electors；　and　the　majority　of　the　population　almost　uneducated；　public　opinion　is　already；　as　every　one　now　sees　that　it　is；　the　ruling　power　in　the　last　resort；　it　is　a　chimera　to　suppose　that　over　a　community　who　all　read；　and　who　all　have　votes；　any　power　could　be　exercised　by　landlords　and　rich　people　against　their　own　inclination　which　it　would　be　at　all　difficult　for　them　to　throw　off。　But　though　the　protection　of　secrecy　would　then　be　needless；　the　control　of　publicity　would　be　as　needful　as　ever。　The　universal　observation　of　mankind　has　been　very　fallacious　if　the　mere　fact　of　being　one　of　the　community；　and　not　being　in　a　position　of　pronounced　contrariety　of　interest　to　the　public　at　large；　is　enough　to　ensure　the　performance　of　a　public　duty；　without　either　the　stimulus　or　the　restraint　derived　from　the　opinion　of　our　fellow　creatures。　A　man's　own　particular　share　of　the　public　interest；　even　though　he　may　have　no　private　interest　drawing　him　in　the　opposite　direction；　is　not；　as　a　general　rule；　found　sufficient　to　make　him　do　his　duty　to　the　public　without　other　external　inducements。　Neither　can　it　be　admitted　that　even　if　all　had　votes　they　would　give　their　votes　as　honestly　in　secret　as　in　public。　　　〃The　proposition　that　the　electors　when　they　compose　the　whole　of　the　community　cannot　have　an　interest　in　voting　against　the　interest　of　the　community　will　be　found　on　examination　to　have　more　sound　than　meaning　in　it。　Though　the　community　as　a　whole　can　have　（as　the　terms　imply）　no　other　interest　than　its　collective　interest；　any　or　every　individual　in　it　may。　A　man's　interest　consists　of　whatever　he　takes　an　interest　in。　Everybody　has　as　many　different　interests　as　he　has　feelings；　likings　or　dislikings；　either　of　a　selfish　or　of　a　better　kind。　It　cannot　be　said　that　any　of　these；　taken　by　itself；　constitutes　'his　interest'；　he　is　a　good　man　or　a　bad　according　as　he　prefers　one　class　of　his　interests　or　another。　A　man　who　is　a　tyrant　at　home　will　be　apt　to　sympathise　with　tyranny　（when　not　exercised　over　himself）：　he　will　be　almost　certain　not　to　sympathise　with　resistance　to　tyranny。　An　envious　man　will　vote　against　Aristides　because　he　is　called　the　just。　A　selfish　man　will　prefer　even　a　trifling　individual　benefit　to　his　share　of　the　advantage　which　his　country　would　derive　from　a　good　law；　because　interests　peculiar　to　himself　are　those　which　the　habits　of　his　mind　both　dispose　him　to　dwell　on；　and　make　him　best　able　to　estimate。　A　great　number　of　the　electors　will　have　two　sets　of　preferences…　those　on　private　and　those　on　public　grounds。　The　last　are　the　only　ones　which　the　elector　would　like　to　avow。　The　best　side　of　their　character　is　that　which　people　are　anxious　to　show；　even　to　those　who　are　no　better　than　themselves。　People　will　give　dishonest　or　mean　votes　from　lucre；　from　malice；　from　pique；　from　personal　rivalry；　even　from　the　interests　or　prejudices　of　class　or　sect；　more　readily　in　secret　than　in　public。　And　cases　exist…　they　may　come　to　be　more　frequent…　in　which　almost　the　only　restraint　upon　a　majority　of　knaves　consists　in　their　involuntary　respect　for　the　opinion　of　an　honest　minority。　In　such　a　case　as　that　of　the　repudiating　States　of　North　America；　is　there　not　some　check　to　the　unprincipled　voter　in　the　shame　of　looking　an　honest　man　in　the　face？　Since　all　this　good　would　be　sacrificed　by　the　ballot；　even　in　the　circumstances　most　favourable　to　it；　a　much　stronger　case　is　requisite　than　can　now　be　made　out　for　its　necessity　（and　the　case　is　continually　becoming　still　weaker）　to　make　its　adoption　desirable。〃*

　　*　Thoughts　on　Parliamentary　Reform；　2nd　ed。　pp　32…36。

　　On　the　other　debateable　points　connected　with　the　mode　of　voting　it　is　not　necessary　to　expend　so　many　words。　The　system　of　personal　representation；　as　organised　by　Mr。　Hare；　renders　necessary　the　employment　of　voting　papers。　But　it　appears　to　me　indispensable　that　the　signature　of　the　elector　should　be　affixed　to　the　paper　at　a　public　polling　place；　or　if　there　be　no　such　place　conveniently　accessible；　at　some　office　open　to　all　the　world；　and　in　the　presence　of　a　responsible　public　officer。　The　proposal　which　has　been　thrown　out　of　allowing　the　voting　papers　to　be　filled　up　at　the　voter's　own　residence；　and　sent　by　the　post；　or　called　for　by　a　public　officer；　I　should　regard　as　fatal。　The　act　would　be　done　in　the　absence　of　the　salutary　and　the　presence　of　all　the　pernicious　influences。　The　briber　might；　in　the　shelter　of　privacy；　behold　with　his　own　eyes　his　bargain　fulfilled；　and　the　intimidato