representative government-第48章

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ive；　a　much　greater　source　of　evil　is　the　selfishness；　or　the　selfish　partialities；　of　the　voter　himself。　A　base　and　mischievous　vote　is　now；　I　am　convinced；　much　oftener　given　from　the　voter's　personal　interest；　or　class　interest；　or　some　mean　feeling　in　his　own　mind；　than　from　any　fear　of　consequences　at　the　hands　of　others：　and　to　these　influences　the　ballot　would　enable　him　to　yield　himself　up；　free　from　all　sense　of　shame　or　responsibility。　　　〃In　times　not　long　gone　by；　the　higher　and　richer　classes　were　in　complete　possession　of　the　government。　Their　power　was　the　master　grievance　of　the　country。　The　habit　of　voting　at　the　bidding　of　an　employer；　or　of　a　landlord；　was　so　firmly　established；　that　hardly　anything　was　capable　of　shaking　it　but　a　strong　popular　enthusiasm；　seldom　known　to　exist　but　in　a　good　cause。　A　vote　given　in　opposition　to　those　influences　was　therefore；　in　general；　an　honest；　a　public…spirited　vote；　but　in　any　case；　and　by　whatever　motive　dictated；　it　was　almost　sure　to　be　a　good　vote；　for　it　was　a　vote　against　the　monster　evil；　the　over…ruling　influence　of　oligarchy。　Could　the　voter　at　that　time　have　been　enabled；　with　safety　to　himself；　to　exercise　his　privilege　freely；　even　though　neither　honestly　nor　intelligently；　it　would　have　been　a　great　gain　to　reform；　for　it　would　have　broken　the　yoke　of　the　then　ruling　power　in　the　country…　the　power　which　had　created　and　which　maintained　all　that　was　bad　in　the　institutions　and　the　administration　of　the　State…　the　power　of　landlords　and　boroughmongers。　　　〃The　ballot　was　not　adopted；　but　the　progress　of　circumstances　has　done　and　is　doing　more　and　more；　in　this　respect；　the　work　of　the　ballot。　Both　the　political　and　the　social　state　of　the　country；　as　they　affect　this　question；　have　greatly　changed；　and　are　changing　every　day。　The　higher　classes　are　not　now　masters　of　the　country。　A　person　must　be　blind　to　all　the　signs　of　the　times　who　could　think　that　the　middle　classes　are　as　subservient　to　the　higher；　or　the　working　classes　as　dependent　on　the　higher　and　middle；　as　they　were　a　quarter　of　a　century　ago。　The　events　of　that　quarter　of　a　century　have　not　only　taught　each　class　to　know　its　own　collective　strength；　but　have　put　the　individuals　of　a　lower　class　in　a　condition　to　show　a　much　bolder　front　to　those　of　a　higher。　In　a　majority　of　cases；　the　vote　of　the　electors；　whether　in　opposition　to　or　in　accordance　with　the　wishes　of　their　superiors；　is　not　now　the　effect　of　coercion；　which　there　are　no　longer　the　same　means　of　applying；　but　the　expression　of　their　own　personal　or　political　partialities。　The　very　vices　of　the　present　electoral　system　are　a　proof　of　this。　The　growth　of　bribery；　so　loudly　complained　of；　and　the　spread　of　the　contagion　to　places　formerly　free　from　it；　are　evidence　that　the　local　influences　are　no　longer　paramount；　that　the　electors　now　vote　to　please　themselves；　and　not　other　people。　There　is；　no　doubt；　in　counties；　and　in　the　smaller　boroughs；　a　large　amount　of　servile　dependence　still　remaining；　but　the　temper　of　the　times　is　adverse　to　it；　and　the　force　of　events　is　constantly　tending　to　diminish　it。　A　good　tenant　can　now　feel　that　he　is　as　valuable　to　his　landlord　as　his　landlord　is　to　him；　a　prosperous　tradesman　can　afford　to　feel　independent　of　any　particular　customer。　At　every　election　the　votes　are　more　and　more　the　voter's　own。　It　is　their　minds；　far　more　than　their　personal　circumstances；　that　now　require　to　be　emancipated。　They　are　no　longer　passive　instruments　of　other　men's　will…　mere　organs　for　putting　power　into　the　hands　of　a　controlling　oligarchy。　The　electors　themselves　are　becoming　the　oligarchy。　　　〃Exactly　in　proportion　as　the　vote　of　the　elector　is　determined　by　his　own　will；　and　not　by　that　of　somebody　who　is　his　master；　his　position　is　similar　to　that　of　a　member　of　Parliament；　and　publicity　is　indispensable。　So　long　as　any　portion　of　the　community　are　unrepresented；　the　argument　of　the　Chartists　against　ballot　in　conjunction　with　a　restricted　suffrage　is　unassailable。　The　present　electors；　and　the　bulk　of　those　whom　any　probable　Reform　Bill　would　add　to　the　number；　are　the　middle　class；　and　have　as　much　a　class　interest；　distinct　from　the　working　classes；　as　landlords　or　great　manufacturers。　Were　the　suffrage　extended　to　all　skilled　labourers；　even　these　would；　or　might；　still　have　a　class　interest　distinct　from　the　unskilled。　Suppose　it　extended　to　all　men…　suppose　that　what　was　formerly　called　by　the　misapplied　name　of　universal　suffrage；　and　now　by　the　silly　title　of　manhood　suffrage；　became　the　law；　the　voters　would　still　have　a　class　interest；　as　distinguished　from　women。　Suppose　that　there　were　a　question　before　the　Legislature　specially　affecting　women；　as　whether　women　should　be　allowed　to　graduate　at　Universities；　whether　the　mild　penalties　inflicted　on　ruffians　who　beat　their　wives　daily　almost　to　death's　door　should　be　exchanged　for　something　more　effectual；　or　suppose　that　any　one　should　propose　in　the　British　Parliament；　what　one　State　after　another　in　America　is　enacting；　not　by　a　mere　law；　but　by　a　provision　of　their　revised　Constitutions…　that　married　women　should　have　a　right　to　their　own　property。　Are　not　a　man's　wife　and　daughters　entitled　to　know　whether　he　votes　for　or　against　a　candidate　who　will　support　these　propositions？　　　〃It　will　of　course　be　objected　that　these　arguments'　derive　all　their　weight　from　the　supposition　of　an　unjust　state　of　the　suffrage：　That　if　the　opinion　of　the　non…electors　is　likely　to　make　the　elector　vote　more　honestly；　or　more　beneficially；　than　he　would　vote　if　left　to　himself；　they　are　more　fit　to　be　electors　than　he　is；　and　ought　to　have　the　franchise：　That　whoever　is　fit　to　influence　electors　is　fit　to　be　an　elector：　That　those　to　whom　voters　ought　to　be　responsible　should　be　themselves　voters；　and　being　such；　should　have　the　safeguard　of　the　ballot　to　shield　them　from　the　undue　influence　of　powerful　individuals　or　classes　to　whom　they　ought　not　to　be　responsible。　　　〃This　argument　is　specious；　and　I　once　thought　it　conclusive。　It　now　appears　to　me　fallacious。　All　who　are　fit　to　influence　electors　are　not；　for　that　reason；　fit　to　be　themselves　electors。　This　last　is　a　much　greater　power　than　the　former；　and　those　may　be　ripe　for　the　minor　political　function　who　could　not　as　yet　be　safely　trusted　with　the　superior。　The　opinions　and　wishes　of　the　poorest　and　rudest　class　of　labourers　may　be　very　useful　as　one　influence　among　others　on　the　minds　of　the　voters；　as　well　as　on　those　of　the　Legislature；　and　yet　it　might　be　highly　mischievous　to　give　them　the　preponderant　influence　by　admitting　them；　in　their　present　state　of　morals　and　intelligence；　to　the　full　exercise　of　the　suffrage。　It　is　precisely　this　indirect　influence　of　those　who　have　not　the　suffrage　over　those　who　have　which；　by　its　progressive　growth；　softens　the　transition　to　every　fresh　extension　of　the　franchise；　and　is　the　means　by　which；　when　the　time　is　ripe；　the　extension　is　peacefully　brought　about。　But　there　is　another　and　a　still　deeper　consideration；　which　should　never　be　left　out　of　the　account　in　political　speculations。　The　notion　is　itself　unfounded；　that　publicity；　and　the　sense　of　being　an