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the plan： but they would be an exemplification of its mode of working； they would enable people to convince themselves that it is not impracticable； would familiarise them with its machinery； and afford some materials for judging whether the difficulties which are thought to be so formidable are real or imaginary。 The day when such a partial trial shall be sanctioned by Parliament will； I believe； inaugurate a new era of Parliamentary Reform； destined to give to Representative Government a shape fitted to its mature and triumphant period； when it shall have passed through the militant stage in which alone the world has yet seen it。*
* In the interval between the last and present editions of this treatise； it has become known that the experiment here suggested has actually been made on a larger than any municipal or provincial scale； and has been in course of trial for several years。 In the Danish Constitution （not that of Denmark proper； but the Constitution framed for the entire Danish kingdom） the equal representation of minorities was provided for on a plan so nearly identical with Mr。 Hare's； as to add another to the examples how the ideas which resolve difficulties arising out of a general situation of the human mind or of society； present themselves； without communication； to several superior minds at once。 This feature of the Danish electoral law has been brought fully and clearly before the British public in an able paper by Mr。 Robert Lytton； forming one of the valuable reports by Secretaries of Legation； printed by order of the House of Commons in 1864； Mr。 Hare's plan； which may now be also called M。 Andrae's； has thus advanced from the position of a simple project to that of a realised political fact。 Though Denmark is as yet the only country in which Personal Representation has become an institution； the progress of the idea among thinking minds has been very rapid。 In almost all the countries in which universal suffrage is now regarded as a necessity； the scheme is rapidly making its way： with the friends of democracy； as a logical consequence of their principle； with those who rather accept than prefer democratic government； as indispensable corrective of its inconveniences。 The political thinkers of Switzerland led the way。 Those of France followed。 To mention no others； within a very recent period two of the most influential and authoritative writers in France； one belonging to the moderate liberal and the other to the extreme democratic school； have given in a public adhesion to the plan。 Among its German supporters is numbered one of the most eminent political thinkers in Germany； who is also a distinguished member of the liberal Cabinet of the Grand Duke of Baden。 This subject； among others； has its share in the important awakening of thought in the American republic； which is already one of the fruits of the great pending contest for human freedom。 In the two principal of our Australian colonies Mr。 Hare's plan has been brought under the consideration of their respective legislatures； and though not yet adopted； has already a strong party in its favour； while the clear and complete understanding of its principles； shown by the majority of the speakers both on the Conservative and on the Radical side of general politics； shows how unfounded is the notion of its being too complicated to be capable of being generally comprehended and acted on。 Nothing is required to make both the plan and its advantages intelligible to all； except that the time should have come when they will think it worth their while to take the trouble of really attending to it。 Chapter 8 Of the Extension of the Suffrage。
SUCH A representative democracy as has now been sketched； representative of all； and not solely of the majority… in which the interests the opinions； the grades of intellect which are outnumbered would nevertheless be heard； and would have a chance of obtaining by weight of character and strength of argument an influence which would not belong to their numerical force… this democracy； which is alone equal； alone impartial； alone the government of all by all； the only true type of democracy… would be free from the greatest evils of the falsely…called democracies which now prevail； and from which the current idea of democracy is exclusively derived。 But even in this democracy； absolute power； if they chose to exercise it； would rest with the numerical majority； and these would be composed exclusively of a single class； alike in biasses； prepossessions； and general modes of thinking； and a class； to say no more； not the most highly cultivated。 The constitution would therefore still be liable to the characteristic evils of class government： in a far less degree； assuredly； than that exclusive government by a class； which now usurps the name of democracy； but still； under no effective restraint； except what might be found in the good sense； moderation； and forbearance of the class itself。 If checks of this description are sufficient； the philosophy of constitutional government is but solemn trifling。 All trust in constitutions is grounded on the assurance they may afford； not that the depositaries of power will not； but that they cannot； misemploy it。 Democracy is not the ideally best form of government unless this weak side of it can be strengthened； unless it can be so organised that no class； not even the most numerous； shall be able to reduce all but itself to political insignificance； and direct the course of legislation and administration by its exclusive class interest。 The problem is； to find the means of preventing this abuse； without sacrificing the characteristic advantages of popular government。 These twofold requisites are not fulfilled by the expedient of a limitation of the suffrage； involving the compulsory exclusion of any portion of the citizens from a voice in the representation。 Among the foremost benefits of free government is that education of the intelligence and of the sentiments which is carried down to the very lowest ranks of the people when they are called to take a part in acts which directly affect the great interests of their country。 On this topic I have already dwelt so emphatically that I only return to it because there are few who seem to attach to this effect of popular institutions all the importance to which it is entitled。 People think it fanciful to expect so much from what seems so slight a cause… to recognise a potent instrument of mental improvement in the exercise of political franchises by manual labourers。 Yet unless substantial mental cultivation in the mass of mankind is to be a mere vision； this is the road by which it must come。 If any one supposes that this road will not bring it； I call to witness the entire contents of M。 de Tocqueville's great work； and especially his estimate of the Americans。 Almost all travellers are struck by the fact that every American is in some sense both a patriot； and a person of cultivated intelligence； and M。 de Tocqueville has shown how close the connection is between these qualities and their democratic institutions。 No such wide diffusion of the ideas； tastes； and sentiments of educated mi