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e ancient historians than most of the imitators of Livy。 Like the ancients； they were citizens who wrote for citizens。
Antiquity as the Common Source
We cannot attempt to trace the influence of humanism in the special sciences。 Each has its own history； in which the Italian investigators of this period； chiefly through their rediscovery of the results attained by antiquity； mark a new epoch； with which the modern period of the science in question begins with more or less distinctness。 With regard to philosophy； too； we must refer the reader to the special historical works on the subject。 The influence of the old philosophers on Italian culture will appear at times immense； at times inconsiderable； the former； when we consider how the doctrines of Aristotle； chiefly drawn from the Ethics and Politicsboth widely diffused at an early periodbecame the common property of educated Italians； and how the whole method of abstract thought was governed by him； the latter； when we remember how slight was the dogmatic influence of the old philosophies； and even of the enthusiastic Florentine Platonists； on the spirit of the people at large。 What looks like such an influence is generally no more than a consequence of the new culture in general； and of the special growth and development of the Italian mind。 When we come to speak of religion； we shall have more to say on this head。 But in by far the greater number of cases； we have to do； not with the general culture of the people with the utterances of individuals or of learned circles； and here； too； a distinction must be drawn between the true assimilation of ancient doctrines and fashionable make…believe。 For with many； antiquity was only a fashion； even among very learned people。
Nevertheless； all that looks like affectation to our age； need not then have actually been so。 The giving of Greek and Latin names to children； for example； is better and more respectable than the present practice of taking them； especially the female names； from novels。 When the enthusiasm for the ancient world was greater than for the saints； it was simple and natural enough that noble families called their sons Agamemnon； Tydeus； and Achilles； and that a painter named his son Apelles and his daughter Minerva。58 Nor will it appear unreasonable that； instead of a family name； which people were often glad to get rid of； a well…sounding ancient name was chosen。 A local name； shared by all residents in the place； and not yet transformed into a family name； was willingly given up； especially when its religious associations made it inconvenient。 Filippo da San Gimignano called himself Callimachus。 The man； mis… understood and insulted by his family； who made his fortune as a scholar in foreign cities； could afford； even if he were a Sanseverino； to change his name to Julius Pomponius Laetus。 Even the simple translation of a name into Latin or Greek； as was almost uniformly the custom in Germany； may be excused to a generation which spoke and wrote Latin； and which needed names that could be not only declined； but used with facility in verse and prose。 What was blameworthy and ridiculous was the change of half a name； baptismal or family； to give it a classical sound and a new sense。 Thus Giovanni was turned into Jovianus or Janus； Pietro to Petreius or Pierius； Antonio to Aoniuss Sannazaro to Syncerus； Luca Grasso to Lucius Crassus。 Ariosto； who speaks with such derision of all this； lived to see children called after his own heroes and heroines。
Nor must we judge too severely the latinization of many usages of social life； such as the titles of officials； of cere monies； and the like； in the writers of the period。 As long as people were satisfied with a simple； fluent Latin style； as was the case with most writers from Petrarch to； Aeneas Sylvius； this practice was not so frequent and striking； it became inevitable when a faultless； Ciceronian Latin was demanded。 Modern names and things no longer harmonized with the style； unless they were first artificially changed。 Pedants found a pleasure in addressing municipal counsellors as 'Patres Conscripti；' nuns as 'Virgines Vestales；' and entitling every saint 'Divus' or 'Deus'； but men of better taste； such as Paolo Giovio； only did so when and because they could not help it。 But as Giovio does it naturally； and lays no special stress upon it； we are not offended if； in his melodious language； the cardinals appear as 'Senatores；' their dean as 'Princeps Senatus；' excommunication as 'Dirae；' and the carnival as 'Lupercalia。' The example of this author alone is enough to warn us against drawing a hasty inference from these peculiarities of style as to the writer's whole mode of thinking。
The history of Latin composition cannot here be traced in detail。 For fully two centuries the humanists acted as if Latin were； and must remain； the only language worthy to be written。 Poggio deplores that Dante wrote his great poem in Italian； and Dante； as is well known； actually made the attempt in Latin； and wrote the beginning of the 'Inferno' first in hexameters。 The whole future of Italian poetry hung on his not continuing in the same style； but even Petrarch relied more on his Latin poetry than on the Sonnets and 'Canzoni；' and Ariosto himself was desired by some to write his poem in Latin。 A stronger coercion never existed in literature； but poetry shook it off for the most part； and it may be said； without the risk of too great optimism； that it was well for Italian poetry to have had both means of expressing itself。 In both something great and characteristic was achieved； and in each we can see the reason why Latin or Italian was chosen。 Perhaps the same may be said of prose。 The position and influence of Italian culture throughout the world depended on the fact that certain subjects were treated in Latin'urbi et orbi'while Italian prose was written best of all by those to whom it cost an inward struggle not to write in Latin。
From the fourteenth century Cicero was recognized universally as the purest model of prose。 This was by no means due solely to a dispassionate opinion in favour of his choice of language； of the structure of his sentences； and of his style of composition； but rather to the fact that the Italian spirit responded fully and instinctively to the amiability of the letter writer； to the brilliancy of the orator； and to the lucid exposition of the philosophical thinker。 Even Petrarch recognized dearly the weakness of Cicero as a man and a statesman； though he respected him too much to rejoice over them。 After Petrarch's time； the epistolary style was formed entirely on the pattern of Cicero； and the rest； with the exception of the narrative style； followed the same influence。 Yet the true Ciceronianism； which rejected every phrase which could not be justified out of the great authority； did not appear till the end of the fifteenth century； when the grammatical writings of Lorenzo Valla had begun to tell on all Italy； and when the opinions of the Roman historians of literature had been sifted and compared。 Then every shade of difference in the style