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the civilization of the renaissance in italy-第4章

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 in a different  country and under other traditions; cannot be said。 But; as heirs of  their house; they inherited that monstrous capital of cruelty and  cowardice which had been accumulated from generation to generation。

Giovanni Maria; too; is famed for his dogs; which were no longer;  however; used for hunting but for tearing human bodies。 Tradition has  preserved their names; like those of the bears of Emperor Valentinian  I。 In May; 1409; when war was going on; and the starving populace cried  to him in the streets; _Pace! Pace!_ he let loose his mercenaries upon  them; and 200 lives were sacrificed; under penalty of the gallows it  was forbidden to utter the words pace and guerra; and the priests were  ordered; instead of _dona nobis pacem_; to say _tranquillitatem_! At  last a band of conspirators took advantage of the moment when Facino  Cane; the chief Condotierre of the insane ruler; lay in at Pavia; and  cut down Giovanni Maria in the church of San Gottardo at Milan; the  dying Facino on the same day made his officers swear to stand by the  heir Filippo Maria; whom he himself urged his wife to take for a second  husband。 His wife; Beatrice di Tenda; followed his advice。 We shall  have occasion to speak of Filippo Maria later on。

And in times like these Cola di Rienzi was dreaming of founding on the  rickety enthusiasm of the corrupt population of Rome a new State which  was to comprise all Italy。 By the side of rulers such as those whom we  have described; he seems no better than a poor deluded fool。

Despots of the Fifteenth Century

The despotisms of the fifteenth century show an altered character。 Many  of the less important tyrants; and some of the greater; like the Scala  and the Carrara had disappeared; while the more powerful ones;  aggrandized by conquest; had given to their systems each its  characteristic development。 Naples for example received a fresh and  stronger impulse from the new Aragonese dynasty。 A striking feature of  this epoch is the attempt of the Condottieri to found independent  dynasties of their own。 Facts and the actual relations of things; apart  from traditional estimates; are alone regarded; talent and audacity win  the great prizes。 The petty despots; to secure a trustworthy support;  begin to enter the service of the larger States; and become themselves  Condottieri; receiving in return for their services money and immunity  for their misdeeds; if not an increase of territory。 All; whether small  or great; must exert themselves more; must act with greater caution and  calculation; and must learn to refrain from too wholesale barbarities;  only so much wrong is permitted by public opinion as is necessary for  the end in view; and this the impartial bystander certainly finds no  fault with。 No trace is here visible of that half…religious loyalty by  which the legitimate princes of the West were supported; personal  popularity is the nearest approach we can find to it。 Talent and  calculation are the only means of advancement。 A character like that of  Charles the Bold; which wore itself out in the passionate pursuit of  impracticable ends; was a riddle to the Italians。 'The Swiss were only  peasants; and if they were all killed; that would be no satisfaction  for the Burgundian nobles who might fall in the war。 If the Duke got  possession of all Switzerland without a struggle; his income would not  be 5;000 ducats the greater。' The mediaeval features in the character  of Charles; his chivalrous aspirations and ideals; had long become  unintelligible to the Italians。 The diplomatists of the South。 when  they saw him strike his officers and yet keep them in his service; when  he maltreated his troops to punish them for a defeat; and then threw  the blame on his counsellors in the presence of the same troops; gave  him up for lost。 Louis XI; on the other hand; whose policy surpasses  that of the Italian princes in their own style; and who was an avowed  admirer of Francesco Sforza; must be placed in all that regards culture  and refinement far below these rulers。

Good and evil lie strangely mixed together in the Italian States of the  fifteenth century。 The personality of the ruler is so highly developed;  often of such deep significance; and so characteristic of the  conditions and needs of the time; that to form an adequate moral  judgement on it is no easy task。

The foundation of the system was and remained illegitimate; and nothing  could remove the curse which rested upon it。 The imperial approval or  investiture made no change in the matter; since the people attached  little weight to the fact that the despot had bought a piece of  parchment somewhere in foreign countries; or from some stranger passing  through his territory。 If the Emperor had been good for anything; so  ran the logic of uncritical common sense; he would never have let the  tyrant rise at all。 Since the Roman expedition of Charles IV; the  emperors had done nothing more in Italy than sanction a tyranny which  had arisen without their help; they could give it no other practical  authority than what might flow from an imperial charter。 The whole  conduct of Charles in Italy was a scandalous political comedy。 Matteo  Villani relates how the Visconti escorted him round their territory;  and at last out of it; how he went about like a hawker selling his  wares (privileges; etc。) for money; what a mean appearance he made in  Rome; and how at the end; without even drawing the sword; he returned  with replenished coffers across the Alps。 Sigismund came; on the first  occasion at least (1414); with the good intention of persuading John  XXIII to take part in his council; it was on that journey; when Pope  and Emperor were gazing from the lofty tower of Cremona on the panorama  of Lombardy; that their host; the tyrant Gabrino Fondolo; was seized  with the desire to throw them both over。 On his second visit Sigismund  came as a mere adventurer; for more than half a year he remained shut  up in Siena; like a debtor in gaol; and only with difficulty; and at a  later period; succeeded in being crowned in Rome。 And what can be  thought of Frederick III? His journeys to Italy have the air of  holiday…trips or pleasure…tours made at the expense of those who wanted  him to confirm their prerogatives; or whose vanity is flattered to  entertain an emperor。 The latter was the case with Alfonso of Naples;  who paid 150;000 florins for the honour of an imperial visit。 At  Ferrara; on his second return from Rome (1469); Frederick spent a whole  day without leaving his chamber; distributing no less than eighty  titles; he created knights; counts; doctors。 notariescounts; indeed;  of different degrees; as; for instance; counts palatine; counts with  the right to create doctors up to the number of five; counts with the  rights to legitimatize bastards; to appoint notaries; and so forth。 The  Chancellor; however; expected in return for the patents in question a  gratuity which was thought excessive at Ferrara。 The opinion of Borso;  himself created Duke of Modena and Reggio in return for an annual  payment of 4;000 gold florins; when his imperial patron was  distributing titles and diplomas to all the little court; is not  mentio
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