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he 'Clerici vagantes' of the twelfth century； with all their remarkable frivolity； are； doubtless； a product in which the whole of Europe had a share； but the writer of the song 'De Phyllide et Flora' and the 'Aestuans Interius' can have been a northerner as little as the polished Epicurean observer to whom we owe 'Dum Diana vitrea sero lampas oritur。' Here； in truth； is a reproduction of the whole ancient view of life； which is all the more striking from the medieval form of the verse in which it is set forth。 There are many works of this and the following centuries； in which a careful imitation of the antique appears both in the hexameter and pentameter of the meter and in the classical； often myth… ological； character of the subject； and which yet have not anything like the same spirit of antiquity about them。 In the hexametric chronicles and other works of Guglielmus Apuliensis and his successors （from about 1100）； we find frequent trace of a diligent study of Virgil； Ovid； Lucan； Statius； and Claudian； but this classical form is； after all； a mere matter of archaeology； as is the classical subject in compilers like Vincent of Beauvais； or in the mythological and allegorical writer； Alanus ab Insulis。 The Renaissance； however； is not a fragmentary imitation or compilation； but a new birth； and the signs of this are visible in the poems of the unknown 'Clericus' of the twelfth century。
But the great and general enthusiasm of the Italians for Classical antiquity did not display itself before the fourteenth century。 For this a development of civic life was required； which took place only in Italy； and there not till then。 It was needful that noble and burgher should first learn to dwell together on equal terms； and that a social world should arise which felt the want of culture； and had the leisure and the means to obtain it。 But culture； as soon as it freed itself from the fantastic bonds of the Middle Ages； could not at once and without help find its way to the understanding of the physical and intellectual world。 It needed a guide； and found one in the ancient civilization； with its wealth of truth and knowledge in every spiritual interest。 Both the form and the substance of this civilization were adopted with admiring gratitude； it became the chief part of the culture of the age。 The general condition of the country was favourable to this transformation。 The medieval empire； since the fall of the Hohenstaufen； had either renounced； or was unable to make good； its claims on Italy。 The Popes had migrated to Avignon。 Most of the political powers actually existing owed their origin to violent and illegitimate means。 The spirit of the people； now awakened to self… consciousness； sought for some new and stable ideal on which to rest。 And thus the vision of the world…wide empire of Italy and Rome so possessed the popular mind that Cola di Rienzi could actually attempt to put it in practice。 The conception he formed of his task； particularly when tribune for the first time； could only end in some extravagant comedy； nevertheless； the memory of ancient Rome was no slight support to the national sentiment。 Armed afresh with its culture； the Italian soon felt himself in truth citizen of the most advanced nation in the world。
It is now our task to sketch this spiritual movement； not indeed in all its fullness； but in its most salient features； and especially in its first beginnings。
The Ruins of Rome
Rome itself； the city of ruins； now became the object of a holly different sort of piety from that of the time when the 'Mirabilia Roma' and the collection of William of Malmesbury ere composed。 The imaginations of the devout pilgrim； or of the seeker after marvels and treasures； are supplanted in contemporary records by the interests of the patriot and the historian。 In this sense we must understand Dante's words； that the stones of the walls of Rome deserve reverence； and that the ground on which the city is built is more worthy than men say。 The jubilees； incessant as they were； have scarcely left a single devout record in literature properly so called。 The best thing that Giovanni Villani brought back from the jubilee of the year 1300 was the resolution to write his history which bad been awakened in him by the sight of the ruins of Rome。 Petrarch gives evidence of a taste divided between classical and Christian antiquity。 He tells us how often with Giovanni Colonna he ascended the mighty vaults of the Baths of Diocletian； and there in the transparent air； amid the wide silence with the broad panorama stretching far around them； they spoke； not of business or political affairs； but of the history which the ruins beneath their feet suggested； Petrarch appearing in these dialogues as the partisan of classical； Giovanni of Christian antiquity； then they would discourse of philosophy and of the inventors of the arts。 How often since that time； down to the days of Gibbon and Niebuhr； have the same ruins stirred men's minds to the same reflections！
This double current of feeling is also recognizable in the 'Dittamondo' of Fazio degli Uberti； composed about the year 1360a description of visionary travels； in which the author is accompanied by the old geographer Solinus； as Dante was by Virgil。 They visit Bari in memory of St。 Nicholas； and Monte Gargano of the archangel Michael； and in Rome the legends of Aracoeli and of Santa Maria in Trastevere are mentioned。 Still； the pagan splendor of ancient Rome unmistakably exercises a greater charm upon them。 A venerable matron in torn garmentsRome herself is meanttells them of the glorious past； and gives them a minute description of the old triumphs； she then leads the strangers through the city； and points out to them the seven hills and many of the chief ruins'che comprender potrai； quanto fui bella。'
Unfortunately this Rome of the schismatic and Avignonese popes was no longer； in respect of classical remains； what it had been some generations earlier。 The destruction of 140 fortified houses of the Roman nobles by the senator Brancaleone in 1257 must have wholly altered the character of the most important buildings then standing： for the nobles had no doubt ensconced themselves in the loftiest and best…preserved of the ruins。 Nevertheless； far more was left than we now find； and probably many of the remains had still their marble incrustation； their pillared entrances； and their other ornaments； where we now see nothing but the skeleton of brickwork。 In this state of things； the first beginnings of a topographical study of the old city were made。
In Poggio's walks through Rome the study of the remains themselves is for the first time more intimately combined with that of the ancient authors and inscriptionsthe latter he sought out from among all the vegetation in which they were imbeddedthe writer's imagination is severely restrained； and the memories of Christian Rome carefully excluded。 The only pity is that Poggio's work was not fuller and was not illustrated with sketches。 Far more was left in his time than was found by Raphael eighty years later。 He saw the tomb of Caecilia