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and still did not write the history of their native cities？ For not all of them could encourage themselves with the thought： 'Rome is sinking； my native city is rising； and ready to achieve great things； and therefore I wish to relate its past history； and hope to continue the story to the present time； and as long as any life shall last。' And besides the witness to its past； Florence obtained through its historians something further a greater fame than fell to the lot of any other city of Italy。
Our present task is not to write the history of this remarkable State； but merely to give a few indications of the intellectual freedom and independence for which the Florentines were indebted to this history。 In no other city of Italy were the struggles of political parties so bitter； of such early origin； and so permanent。 The descriptions of them； which belong； it is true； to a somewhat later period； give clear evidence of the superiority of Florentine criticism。
And what a politician is the great victim of these crises； Dante Alighieri； matured alike by home and by exile ！ He uttered his scorn of the incessant changes and experiments in the constitution of his native city in ringing verses； which will remain proverbial so long as political events of the same kind recur；14 he addressed his home in words of defiance and yearning which must have stirred the hearts of his countrymen。 But his thoughts ranged over Italy and the whole world； and if his passion for the Empire； as he conceived it； was no more than an illusion； it must yet be admitted that the youthful dreams of a newborn political speculation are in his case not without a poetical grandeur。 He is proud to be the first who trod this path；16 certainly in the footsteps of Aristotle； but in his own way independently。 His ideal emperor is a just and humane judge； dependent on God only； the heir of the universal sway of Rome to which belonged the sanction of nature； of right and of the will of God。 The conquest of the world was； according to this view； rightful； resting on a divine judgement between Rome and the other nations of the earth； and God gave his approval to this empire； since under it He became Man； submitting at His birth to the census of the Emperor Augustus； and at His death to the judgement of Pontius Pilate。 We may find it hard to appreciate these and other arguments of the same kind； but Dante's passion never fail s to carry us with him。 In his letters he appears as one of the earliest publicists； and is perhaps the first layman to publish political tracts in this form。 He began early。 Soon after the death of Beatrice he addressed a pamphlet on the State of Florence 'to the Great ones of the Earth；' and the public utterances of his later years； dating from the time of his banishment； are all directed to emperors； princes； a nd cardinals。 In these letters and in his book De Vulgari Eloquentia （About the Vernacular） the feeling； bought with such bitter pains； is constantly recurring that the exile may find elsewhere than in his native place an intellectual home in language and culture； which cannot be taken from him。 On this point we shall have more to say in the sequel。
To the two Villani； Giovanni as well as Matteo； we owe not so much deep political reflection as fresh and practical observations； together with the elements of Florentine statistics and important notices of other States。 Here too trade and commerce had given the impulse to economic as well as political science。 Nowhere else in the world was such accurate information to be had on financial affairs。 The wealth of the Papal court at Avignon； which at the death of John XXII amounted to twenty…five millions of gold florins； would be incredible on any less trustworthy authority。 Here only； at Florence； do we meet with colossal loans like that which the King of England contracted from the Florentine houses of Bardi and Peruzzi； who lost to his Majesty the sum of 1；365；000 gold florins （1338） their own money and that of their partners and nevertheless recovered from the shock。 Most important facts are here recorded as to the condition of Florence at this time： the public income （over 300；000 gold florins） and expenditure the population of the city； here only roughly estimated； according to the consumption of bread； in 'bocche；' i。e。 mouths； put at 50；000 and the population of the whole territory； the excess of 300 to 500 male children among the 5；800 to 8；000 annually baptized 18 the schoolchildren； of whom 8；000 to 10；000 learned reading； 1；000 to 1；200 in six schools arithmetic； and besides these； 600 scholars who were taught Latin grammar and logic in four schools。 Then follow the statistics of the churches and monasteries； of the hospitals； which held more than a thousand beds； of the wool trade； with most valuable details； of the mint； the provisioning of the city； the public officials； and so on。 Incidentally we learn many curious facts； how； for instance； when the public funds （'monte'） were first established； in the year 1353； the Franciscans spoke from the pulpit in favour of the measure； the Dominicans and Augustinians against it。 The economic results of the black death were and could be observed and described nowhere else in all Europe as in this city。20 Only a Florentine could have left it on record how it was expected that the scanty population would have made everything cheap； and how instead of that labor and commodities doubled in price； how the common people at first would do no work at all； but simply give themselves up to enjoyment； how in the city itself servants and maids were not to be had except at extravagant wages； how the peasants would only hill the best lands； and left the rest uncultivated； and how the enormous legacies bequeathed to the poor at the time of the plague seemed afterwards useless； since the poor had either died or had ceased to be poor。 Lastly； on the occasion of a great bequest； by which a childless philanthropist left six 'denarii' to every beggar in the city； the attempt is made to give a comprehensive statistical account of Florentine mendicancy。
This statistical view of things was at a later time still more highly cultivated at Florence。 The noteworthy point about it is that； as a rule； we can perceive its connection with the higher aspects of history； with art； and with culture in general。 An inventory of the year 1422 mentions； within the compass of the same document； the seventy…two exchange offices which surrounded the 'Mercato Nuovo'； the amount of coined money in circulation （two million golden florins）； the then new industry of gold spinning； the silk wares； Filippo Brunellesco； then busy in digging classical architecture from its grave； and Leonardo Aretino； secretary of the republic； at work at the revival of ancient literature and eloquence； lastly； it speaks of the general prosperity of the city； then free from political conflicts； and of the good fortune of Italy； which had rid itself of foreign mercenaries。 The Venetian statistics quoted above which date from about the same year； certainly give evidence of larger property and profit a