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possessed for the moment； which cannot be intruded on； even by a
neutral； without committing the very trespass we are now considering；
that of intruding into the lawful possession of a friend。
Although I consider the observance of these principles as of
great importance to the interests of peaceable nations； among whom I
hope the U S will ever place themselves； yet in the present state of
things they are not worth a war。 Nor do I believe war the most
certain means of enforcing them。 Those peaceable coercions which are
in the power of every nation； if undertaken in concert & in time of
peace； are more likely to produce the desired effect。
The opinions I have here given are those which have generally
been sanctioned by our government。 In our treaties with France； the
United Netherlands； Sweden & Prussia； the principle of free bottom；
free goods； was uniformly maintained。 In the instructions of 1784；
given by Congress to their ministers appointed to treat with the
nations of Europe generally； the same principle； and the doing away
contraband of war； were enjoined； and were acceded to in the treaty
signed with Portugal。 In the late treaty with England； indeed； that
power perseveringly refused the principle of free bottoms； free
goods； and it was avoided in the late treaty with Prussia； at the
instance of our then administration； lest it should seem to take side
in a question then threatening decision by the sword。 At the
commencement of the war between France & England； the representative
of the French republic then residing in the U S； complaining that the
British armed ships captured French property in American bottoms；
insisted that the principle of 〃free bottoms； free goods；〃 was of the
acknowledged law of nations； that the violation of that principle by
the British was a wrong committed on us； and such an one as we ought
to repel by joining in a war against that country。 We denied his
position； and appealed to the universal practice of Europe； in proof
that the principle of 〃free bottoms； free goods；〃 was not
acknowledged as of the natural law of nations； but only of it's
conventional law。 And I believe we may safely affirm； that not a
single instance can be produced where any nation of Europe； acting
professedly under the law of nations alone； unrestrained by treaty；
has； either by it's executive or judiciary organs； decided on the
principle of 〃free bottoms； free goods。〃 Judging of the law of
nations by what has been _practised_ among nations； we were
authorized to say that the contrary principle was their rule； and
this but an exception to it； introduced by special treaties in
special cases only； that having no treaty with England substituting
this instead of the ordinary rule； we had neither the right nor the
disposition to go to war for it's establishment。 But though we would
not then； nor will we now； engage in war to establish this principle；
we are nevertheless sincerely friendly to it。 We think that the
nations of Europe have originally set out in error； that experience
has proved the error oppressive to the rights and interests of the
peaceable part of mankind； that every nation but one has acknoleged
this； by consenting to the change； & that one has consented in
particular cases； that nations have a right to correct an erroneous
principle； & to establish that which is right as their rule of
action； and if they should adopt measures for effecting this in a
peaceable way； we shall wish them success； and not stand in their way
to it。 But should it become； at any time； expedient for us to
co…operate in the establishment of this principle； the opinion of the
executive； on the advice of it's constitutional counsellors； must
then be given； & that of the legislature； an independent & essential
organ in the operation； must also be expressed； in forming which；
they will be governed； every man by his own judgment； and may； very
possibly； judge differently from the executive。 With the same honest
views； the most honest men often form different conclusions。 As far；
however； as we can judge； the principle of 〃free bottoms； free
goods；〃 is that which would carry the wishes of our nation。
Wishing you smooth seas and prosperous gales； with the
enjoyment of good health； I tender you the assurances of my constant
friendship & high consideration and respect。
INTERCHANGEABLE PARTS
_To James Monroe_
_Washington； Nov。 14； 1801_
DEAR SIR； The bearer hereof is Mr。 Whitney at Connecticut a
mechanic of the first order of ingenuity； who invented the cotton gin
now so much used in the South； he is at the head of a considerable
gun manufactory in Connecticut； and furnishes the U。S。 with muskets
undoubtedly the best they receive。 He has invented molds and
machines for making all the pieces of his locks so exactly equal；
that take 100 locks to pieces and mingle their parts and the hundred
locks may be put together as well by taking the first pieces which
come to hand。 This is of importance in repairing； because out of 10
locks e。g。 disabled for the want of different pieces； 9 good locks
may be put together without employing a smith。 Leblanc in France had
invented a similar process in 1788 and had extended it to the barrel；
mounting & stock。 I endeavored to get the U。S。 to bring him over；
which he was ready for on moderate terms。 I failed and I do not know
what became of him。 Mr。 Whitney has not yet extended his
improvements beyond the lock。 I think it possible he might be
engaged in our manufactory of Richmd。 tho' I have not asked him the
question。 I know nothing of his moral character。 He is now on his
way to S。 Carola。 on the subject of his gin。 Health & happiness cum
caeteris votis。
AFRICAN COLONIZATION
_To the Governor of Virginia_
（JAMES MONROE）
_Washington； Nov。 24； 1801_
DEAR SIR； I had not been unmindful of your letter of June
15； covering a resolution of the House of Representatives of
Virginia； and referred to in yours of the 17th inst。 The importance
of the subject； and the belief that it gave us time for consideration
till the next meeting of the Legislature； have induced me to defer
the answer to this date。 You will perceive that some circumstances
connected with the subject； & necessarily presenting themselves to
view； would be improper but for yours' & the legislative ear。 Their
publication might have an ill effect in more than one quarter。 In
confidence of attention to this； I shall indulge greater freedom in
writing。
Common malefactors； I presume； make no part of the object of
that resolution。 Neither their numbers； nor the nature of their
offences； seem to require any provisions beyond those practised
heretofore； & found adequate to the repression of ordinary crimes。
Conspiracy； insurgency； treason； rebellion；