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soon after the separation of Little Russia from Poland； and in
the Ukraine （the modern Government of Kharkov）； where it had
never before existed。 In 1788 she revoked the right hitherto
enjoyed by the peasants of these two provinces to remove from one
manor to another。 The same right of free removal was abolished a
few years later in the 〃Land of the Don Kossacks〃 and among the
peasants of the Southern Governments； called New Russia
（Novorossia）。
But if the second part of the eighteenth century saw the
territorial extension of serfdom over almost all the Empire； it
was also the period in which first began the movement which led
to emancipation。 From France came the first appeals for the
liberation of the serfs。 In 1766 the Society of Political
Economists founded in Petersburg on the model of the agricultural
societies of France was asked by the impress to answer the
question： 〃Whether the State would be benefited by the serf
becoming the free owner of his land？〃 Marmontel and Voltaire
considered it to be their duty to express opinions in favour of a
partial abolition of serfdom。 Marmontel thought that the time was
come to supersede villein…service by a sort of hereditary
copyhold。 Voltaire went a step farther； inviting the impress to
liberate immediately the serfs on the Church lands。 As to the
rest； free contract alone ought to settle the question of their
emancipation。 Another Frenchman much less known； the legist
Bearde de l'Abaye； gave it as his opinion that the Government
should maintain a strict neutrality towards the question of
serfdom。 It ought to be abolished only by free contract between
landlords and serfs； the former endowing the latter with small
parcels of land。 In this way the serf would become a private
owner； so that in case he should rent any land from the squire；
the squire would be able to seize the peasant's plot in case of
non…payment of his rent。 Diderot was the only Frenchman who
acknowledged the necessity of an immediate abolition of personal
servitude； but in his letters to the Empress he does not say a
single word about the necessity for securing to the liberated
serf at least a small portion of the manorial land。
Although Catherine II was willing to be advised by the
Encyclopedists as to the way in which serfdom might be abolished；
she took effectual means to prevent the expression of Russian
public opinion on the same subject。 A memorial presented to the
Petersburg Society of Political Economists by a young Russian
author called Pelenev was not allowed to appear in print； for no
other reason than that it contained a criticism on the existing
system of serfdom。（1*） The author of the memorial did not demand
the immediate abolition of this old wrong； he only wanted to see
it replaced by a sort of perpetual copyhold。 The Government was
more severe towards another Russian writer； Radischev； who was
the first to advocate not only the personal liberty of the serf；
but also his endowment with land。 The work of Radischev （2*）
appeared in 1789； several years after the suppression of the
insurrectionary movement of Pougachev； but it was regarded as a
sort of commentary on the demand for 〃liberty and land；〃 which
the Russian peasant had addressed to that leader； who had
answered it by a solemn promise that he would make the serf free
and prosperous。 Catherine not only ordered the immediate
suppression of the work of Radischev； but brought the author
before the Courts of Justice； accusing him of being a traitor to
his country。 Radischev was condemned to death； but this penalty
was commuted to perpetual banishment to Siberia。
It was not till the reign of Alexander the First that the
Russian Government began to take effectual measures to ameliorate
the social condition of the serf。 According to the account given
by those immediately around him； and especially by Adam
Czartorysky； Alexander was an avowed friend of peasant
emancipation。 He gave his firm support to the proposed law giving
the landlords the right to liberate their serfs； and even to
endow them with shares in the open fields if they paid for them。
In 1803 this law was passed； and 47；000 serfs were soon after
enfranchised； and became a separate class under the name of the
〃free agriculturists。〃 Sixteen years later （in 1819） the
enfranchisement of the serf became an accomplished fact in the
three Baltic provinces； the peasant obtaining the free disposal
of his person on condition of abandoning to his landlord the
parcels of ground previously in his possession。 This reform was
accomplished in the same manner as that carried out in 1812 by
Napoleon in the Kingdom of Poland。 In the thoroughly Russian
provinces no direct measures were at this time taken to abolish
the legal servitude of the peasant； but the question was more
than once debated in private circles and by learned bodies。 In
the year 1812； for instance； the Petersburg Society of Political
Economists declared that it would give 2000 roubles to the author
of the best treatise on the question of the relative advantages
of free and servile labour in agriculture。 This question by
itself shows the influence which Adam Smith's 〃Wealth of
Nations；〃 which had been translated into Russian in 1803； was
beginning to exercise on Russian thought。 Nine treatises were
forwarded to the Society； of which three only were in favour of
the further maintenance of servile labour。 But the greater number
expressed the opinion that the enfranchisement of the serf；
provided that he was allowed to keep the land he occupied； would
be of great advantage to the landlord himself。 This idea； in
conformity to which serfdom had been abolished in the Baltic
provinces； was the expression of a fact quite familiar to the
student of economic history。 The work of an enslaved labourer is
never so productive as that of a free labourer。 So long as rent
is low； as certainly was the case in Russia in past centuries；
the work of the serf is by no means fairly recompensed by the
land he owns。 But in the first quarter of the nineteenth century；
when Russia began to be considered as the granary of Europe； on
account of the vast exports of wheat from her ports； rent rapidly
rose； and this rise produced a complete change in the relative
value of servile work and the land which was in the possession of
the peasant。
The question put by the Society of Political Economists could
not； therefore； possibly have received any other answer than that
given to it by the majority of the authors who sent in papers to
the Society。 Serfdom was rapidly becoming a burden on the
manorial lords themselves； as many of them began to be conscious。
The barons of the Baltic shore were the first to understand the
advantage which the liberation of the serf； followed by a
resumption of the ground he owned； would have on their class
interests。 The nobility of Toula and Riasan； as well as that of
Dinabourg； Petersburg； and Czarskoie Selo； seemed also to become
conscious of this fact； for they petitioned the Emperor Nicholas
to establish local committees who might prepare the outlines of a
new emancipation act。 Among the nobles immediately surrounding